The Invasion of Linguistic Immigrants

An interesting and provocative article in the Times http://www.timesofmalta.com/articles/view/20120125/opinion/The-rise-of-Maltenglish.403787 which recalled Antonio Muscat Fenech, one of the pioneers of Maltese orthography, revived the argument about how English words assimilated into spoken Maltese should be written. The author, like many others, is under the impression that il-Kunsill tal-Malti has already decided the matter. In fact, the question is still under discussion as can be clearly seen on il-Kunsill’s website http://www.kunsilltalmalti.gov.mt/. Among language experts,  authors, and users of the language opinions differ: should we write “microwave”, microwave or majkrowejv? Should we try and come up with another term using Maltese’s own resources, like forn tal-mewġ mikro?  

There are those who believe that the heavy influx of foreign words is mostly due to laziness: people simply cannot be bothered to think of the correct native term and opt for the word which comes to mind first. The process is so rapid that scholars, assuming they were so inclined and actually could draw upon the necessary resources,  do not even have the time to coin an acceptable alternative before the word has embedded itself firmly into linguistic consciousness. 

Even if alternatives to the foreign (mostly English) words exist,  one can only go as far as suggesting which word people should use; ultimately the decision about which one to adopt  is made by the speakers of the language, although that choice would be influenced by linguistic ability, the value given to culture,  and the environment. Some of the environmental factors can be controlled (broadcasting, the way Government communicates through its administrative machinery and, the most crucial of all, the educational system) but the level of control depends on political will and on the availability of resources. The apparent laziness is probably partly the result of pressures exerted on each of us by psycho-social forces, and partly due to our mastery of the foreign language which no longer pushes us towards giving a Maltese form to the foreign word like we used to do in the pre-war days when we turned  delfino into  delfin, and fire into  fajjar.

Once the word enters the language it is difficult to avoid writing it in some context or other; its existence has to be acknowledged as part of the living language. Lovers of language may seethe (not too strong a word to describe the reaction of those for whom the aesthetics of language are important) when a word like baby/bejbi replaces a perfectly adequate word like tarbija, and bajsikil/bicycle begins to supplant rota but linguists cannot not recognise their existence, nor can writers simply refuse to use them, otherwise the dichotomy between the written and the spoken language would reach truly ridiculous proportions.

Deciding how to write that word is not always easy. While words derived from Italian normally fit well within Maltese and adapt seamlessly, words of English origin enjoy no such affinity with our language. Therefore, one either accepts apparent monstrosities like majkrowejv or (God help us) fajerenġin. or else one opts for italicised words or words within inverted comma, which would mean whole tracts of a scientific or technical nature written in this awkward way.

The first of these two is the one which raises the hackles of so many people: the Maltese being so familiar with English wince when they see words they know so well written in an alien manner –and they react, probably in knee-jerk fashion, without considering the matter thoroughly. How else could one explain the suggestion put forward by the author of the Times article that conjugated words like niskorja and niffajlja should be written niscoreja and nissaveja, that is to say utilising a hybrid spelling? This in an article decrying the use of Maltenglish!

Perhaps there is still a very slim chance of finding a way out of this quandary, without resorting to solutions the March Hare would probably consider bizarre: the creation of a culture where organic linguistic development – which would involve the creation of new terms by scholars the use of which use would then be fully promoted by official bodies and all the media - can thrive. For this to happen, political and social forces have to unite in a concerted effort to create this environment. The ground is, however, far from fertile.

Were one to pay attention to the cliché-ridden declarations regarding Maltese emanating from the mouths and key-boards of politicians and other prominent people on the island one would be think that the powers-that-be and people who matter are overwhelmed with love and respect for the national language.  Scratch beneath the platitudes, however, and you’ll discover that their words are, well, just that – words, uttered for the sake of being heard to make the right sounds and for no other reason.

Take the Education Department, for instance. You would think that, of all the Government entitities, this one would grant priority to the national language, given, inter alia, that it is the one charged with its formal generational transmission. Have a look at its web-site: at first glance it would appear that Maltese is utilised quite extensively. All the titles of the different pages are in Maltese. Then click on any of these Maltese-entitled links and you will find that, with very few exceptions, the content is in English.

This provides an extremely telling metaphor for many of the institution’s attitudes towards our language:  apparently respectful for appearance’s sake, scornfully dismissive in substance.The media are not much better: if pressed hard they will comply with the directives to write Maltese correctly, but they could not care less about their presenter’s linguistic capability. In this sort of environment we can forget about developing native words for new terms, at least in the short term. Despite the availability of technical expertise in the shape of a few top-notch linguists, the nation lacks the moral, intellectual and institutional wherewithal for such an enterprise to bear fruit.

So, how are we to treat these linguistic immigrants? This is my opinion for what it’s worth: all those foreign words we conjugate like niskorja, tiffajljaw, ibboksja, ikkowċajtu etc - should be written according to Maltese orthographic rules. The same goes for their stem-words - skor, fajl, boksing, kowċ etc. Words which have long entered Maltese, or are by now well-established, like kowt, futbol, friġġ, maws, kompjuter, should be written in the Maltese alphabet. Il-Kunsill might have to update this list every now and then. Complex English words which fit in very awkwardly with the structure of written Maltese, like fire-engine, air-conditioner and birdwatching should be written in English, but italicised.

This would leave the problem of technical (e.g. ICT) publications in Maltese which would contain a great deal of words in italicised form. It is unfortunate but inevitable, in the short term.

In the long-term, there might just be the solution most of us desire: rational and concrete political action which could create the climate where the institutions and the media work together with academics, authors and educationists to foster organic linguistic development. This will only happen when pressure is brought to bear upon those in power. We have to lobby politicians to make them aware that we want action. Given recent political developments, the time is ripe. 

Il-Każ Stramb tal-Poplu Malti u Lsienu

Daqqa t’għajn fuq fuq lejn l-istorja politika tal-ilsien Malti biżżejjed biex turina li r-relazzjoni bejn il-poplu Malti u l-Malti mhix waħda tas-soltu. Forsi hawn min jaħseb li, wara kollox, fejn jidħlu relazzjonijiet intimi – kif suppost huma dawk bejn komunitajiet u l-ilsien li jidentifikahom –  mhix kwistjoni tas-“soltu” għax m’hemmx forma xi ssegwi. Skont dawn,  l-għamla psikoloġika tal-poplu, l-istorja tiegħu, il-pożizzjoni ġeografika,  kif jaqla’ l-ħobża ta’ kuljum, dak li jiġri madwaru (u ġieli ’l bogħod minnu), l-istratifikazzjoni soċjali,  il-bidliet fit-teknoloġija u bosta fatturi oħra kollha kemm huma jħawru l-għaġna tar-relazzjoni – u jsawruha b’mod uniku.

Imma, minkejja li kull relazzjoni bejn poplu u lsienu taf tkun idjosinkratika,  l-istorja tal-umanità  miżgħuda b’eżempji ta’ kif il-popli ħabirku u ssieltu b’rispett li l-lsien li jagħżilhom jitweġġaħ  kif jixraqlu; forsi għax għarfu s-sehem indispensabbli tiegħu fit-tiswir ta’ pajjiżhom. U llum kburin bih u jagħmlu minn kollox biex jindukrawh, kemm għax jagħrfu li anke f’dinja globalizzata, l-identità nazzjonali għadha essenzjali u kemm għax jafu li r-relazzjonijiet fil-qrib tal-individwi fil-komunità jiddependu wkoll minn ilsien li huma ta’ ġewwa miegħu. Aktarx hemm raġuni oħra: illum hemm rabta qawwija ma’ dak l-ilsien u min iħaddmu kuljum; hemm storja kollettiva li ħalliet it-timbru fil-moħħ u fir-ruħ, hemm letteratura li nfilsat fil-kuxjenza, hemm l-identifikazzjoni mal-ilsien tant li kull daqqa lilu hija daqqa lill-poplu li ġġib id-dehxa tal-uġigħ, hemm il-biża’ mil-luttu tal-firda li kieku l-ilsien kellu jintilef.

U aħna? Fejn f’pajjiżi oħra kien il-poplu li tqabad  mal-ħakkiem - u ġieli miet - għad-dritt li lsienu jkun rikonoxxut uffiċjalment, fil-każ tagħna allaħares ma kinux il-kolonizzaturi li, għall-iskopijiet tagħhom,  imbuttaw il-lingwa Maltija fis-snin ta’ qabel il-gwerra. Is-sezzjoni edukata tal-poplu, maqbuda fi spirtu nazzjonalista stramb u mgħawweġ aktar minn kemxejn, kienet lesta twarrab l-ilsien biex tisħaq fuq is-suppost identità Taljana tal-kultura tagħna.  Il-ħassieba u kittieba li għarfu l-ħtieġa li jibnu l-Malti miktub fuq sisien sodi, u fl-istess ħin jinsistu li jingħaraf, ma kinux iġibuha żewġ li kieku ma kienx il-ħakkiem barrani li, għax qabillu,  rifed it-talbiet tagħhom u  uża setegħtu biex ġabhom fis-seħħ.

Wara l-gwerra kulħadd intebaħ li politikament issa jaqbel li wieħed jisħaq fuq l-identità Maltija kollha kemm hi, sakemm wasalna għall-proposta tal-Integration. Ġużè Aquilina kien qal  li kien kellmu uffiċjal għoli tal-Partit fil-Gvern u kien qallu biex ma joqgħodx jinsisti wisq fuq il-Malti – il-futur ta’ Malta kellu minn hemm ‘il quddiem jintrabat mal-Ingliż. L-Ingliżi, imma,  l-Integration ma riduhiex. Kienu l-kolonizzaturi li għal darb’oħra, did-darba mingħajr lanqas biss irrealizzaw, salvaw lil ilsienna mid-dagħbien ?

Minħabba f’hekk , politikament reġa’ beda jidwi  l-innu ta’ “Viva l-Malti” bejn wieħed u ieħor b’armonija ġenerali – speċjalment jekk is-sens tas-smigħ ma jkunx akut iżżejjed, u ma’ widnejk ma jaħbtux ukoll in-noti stonati ta’ felli  ġmielu mill-klassi l-medja għolja u dawk li medhija jixxabtu lejn qċaċet soċjali ogħla. Fil-kisriet ta’ kull ilsien hemm riflessi wkoll d-differenzi soċjali; aħna, Alla jbierek, biex nemfasizzaw li aħna ‘l fuq mill-merħla, nwetiwtu b’ilsien ieħor. U issa li kulħadd klassi medja – jew hekk hawn min jgħid – inħalltu u nħawdu l-ilsna skont kif ifettlilna. L-iskola n-numri l-ewwel nitgħallmuhom bl-Ingliż , u imbagħad bil-Malti ftit li xejn jintużaw fid-diskors ta’ kuljum. Anke l-ġranet tal-Ġimgħa dalwaqt jgħibu mill-mitkellem. L-Università tagħna m’għadhiex tesiġi konoxxenza ċċertifikata tal-Malti f’ċerti korsijiet – u ma tħallikx tikteb bil-Malti fl-eżamijiet.

Uffiċjalment għandna lsien Nazzjonali, u s-setgħana erħilhom ifaħħruh u jgħollu sebħu mas-seba’ sema – imma imbagħad kważi kull wieħed minnhom jitmeżmeż milli jużah fil-korrispondenzi interni. Wisq nibża’  li  mill-fomm ‘il barra biss li nagħtu l-ġieħ; il-qalb u l-moħħ mixħutin band’oħra.

Imbagħad joħroġ il-kelliem tal-Oppożizzjoni għall-Edukazzjoni u jipproponi li l-ilsien tat-tagħlim fl-iskejjel ikun l-Ingliż, suppost biex tissaħħaħ il-ħakma fuq din il-lingwa. Jekk tinsa l-perjodu abberranti (pjuttost qasir) tal-ħolma tal-Integration, fid-dar politika tal-kelliemi tal-Oppożizzjoni  saltan ir-rispett lejn il-Malti. Fiha għammru individwi li naqqxu isimhom b’ġieħ fl-annali tal-istorja letterarja: Ġużè Bonnici, Karmenu Vassallo, Anton Buttigieg, Lino Spiteri, Alfred Sant. U oħrajn. Kellu jkun hu, il-bravu Kelliem għall-Edukazzjoni, li jipproponi miżura li kieku xi Gvern kellu jattwaha probabbli tagħti d-daqqa tal-mewt lil ilsienna. Tliet ġenerazzjonijiet oħra, u min se jibqa’ jitkellem u jikteb bil-Malti?

Konna nistennew li l-Ministeru tal-Edukazzjoni jaħsad ras din il-proposta minnufih. Minflok ma saħaq ras is-serp, Il-Ministeru  ma kkomettiex ruħu u se jsejjaħ lil-lingwisti u ‘l-edukaturi ħalli jagħtuh parir kif l-aħjar ifassal u jattwa politika lingwistika fl-iskejjel. Jalla joħorġu bi proposti li jsaħħu t-tagħlim tal-Ingliż u ta’ lingwi oħra. Imma li jitneħħa l-Malti minn lingwa ewlenija tat-tagħlim tkun miżura lingwiċida li tnissel  stmerrija dejjiema minn kull min japprezza l-għerf, l-għarfien u l-kultura.

L-ironija hija li din il-miżura suppost se taħji lill-poplu l-aktar li dawk li jbatu fl-Ingliż u żżidilhom l-opportunitajiet għal xogħol u ħajja aħjar. L-Unesco ma taqbilx. Ħafna edukaturi ma jaqblux. Dan il-blogg dalwaqt ixandar artiklu ta’ edukatur Malti prominenti u rrispettat internazzjonalment li se juri li huma proprju t-tfal tal-ħaddiema l-iktar li se jbatu kieku kellha tiddaħħal miżura bħal din. Ta’ min jixtarrha din.

Għaliex huwa minn fostna stess – u minn min għandu jew se jkollu s-setgħa – li joħorġu proposti li jistgħu jagħmlu ħsara kbira lill-Malti? Timmaġinaw lil xi pajjiż ieħor tal-Unjoni Ewrpoea – li ħafna minnhom għandhom livell medju ta' Ingliż aktar baxx minn tagħna – li lest li anke jikkonsidra ħaġa bħal din? Għaliex aħna? M’aħniex xi pajjiż multi-etniku bħal Singapore jew l-Indja, fejn l-Ingliż jagħmilha ta’ lingwa franka.

Forsi l-istorja partikolari tagħna – kien bis-saħħa tal-barrani li lsienna ntrefa’ – ma ppremettietx li l-proċess tal-valorizzazzjoni tal-lingwa jitwaħħad mal-kuxjenza tagħna bħal ma sar f’kull pajjiż li jirrispetta lilu nnifsu? Għandna bżonn perjodu Romantiku ġdid li jsaħħaħ in-nofs emanċipazzjoni li gawdejna minnha? Il-mentalità kolonjali - frott ħakma ħanina - għadha mqabbda mal-għeruq ta’ ruħna?  Biddilna malajr l-altari li ninkinaw quddiemhom: minflok tal-ġirien kolti bħal fis-snin 30, qed noffru s-sagrifiċċju lill-allat tal-globalizzazzjoni – u d-duħħan ta’ ħruq id-debħa qed iċajprilna l-vista?

Hemm popli oħra li, m’ilux wisq,  għaddew minn esperjenzi  bħal dawn u raw l-idjoma tagħhom tiddgħajjef u tinqered minħabba deċiżjonijiet politiċi – jew apatija politika. Wieħed minn dawn huwa l-poplu Sqalli li ra l-prestiġju tad-djalett jaqla’ daqqa wara l-oħra, għax il-politika ma kinitx għaqlija biżżejjed li tħares l-interessi kemm tal-lingwa standard u kemm tal-idjoma lokali. Minn qalb l-Isqallin imweġġgħa ħareġ leħen kiebi li niseġ għanja li r-reżonanzi tagħha jolqtuna. Niftħu għajnejna għax dak li kiteb Buttitta jaf, fi żmien mhux ‘il bogħod, ikun jgħodd għalina.

---

LINGUA E DIALETTU

Ignazio Buttitta

(maqluba għall-Malti mill-Prof. Manwel Mifsud)

Poplu

xiddlu l-ktajjen

neżżgħu

soddlu ħalqu,

ikun għadu ħieles.

Ħudlu xogħlu

il-passaport

il-mejda fejn jiekol

is-sodda fejn jorqod,

ikun għadu għani.

Poplu

jitfaqqar u jitjassar

meta jisirqulu l-ilsien

li għaddewlu missirijietu:

jintilef għal dejjem.

Jitfaqqar u jitjassar

meta l-kliem ma jwelldux il-kliem

u jibdew jieklu lil xulxin.

Qed nintebaħ issa

jien u nikkorda l-kitarra tad-djalett

li qed titlef korda kuljum.

Jien u nraqqa’

ix-xoqqa kollha kamla

li nisġu nannietna

bis-suf tan-nagħaġ Sqallin.

U jiena fqir:

għandi l-flus

u ma nistax nonfoqhom;

il-ġawhar
u ma nistax nirregalahom

u l-għanja

ġo gaġġa

bil-ġwienaħ imqasqsa. 

                                                                                                                                                    

Fqir

Li jerda’ s-sider niexef

Tal-omm tar-rispett,

Li ssejjaħlu binha

biex twaqqgħu għaċ-ċajt.                            

                                                                            

Imm’aħna omm kellna,

u serquhielna;

sidirha nixxiegħa ta’ ħalib

u kulħadd kien jixrob minnu,

illum jobżqu fuqu.

Fadlilna biss leħenha,

bil-kisra tiegħu

bin-nota baxxa

fil-ħoss u fit-tnehida:

dawn ma jistgħux joħduhomlna. 

   

Ma jistgħux joħduhomlna,

imma xorta għadna foqra

u xorta ltiema.

Cicciolina u n-Ninni La Tibkix Iżjed

Inqiegħed rasi taħt mannara li  m’hawnx Malti jew Maltija – jew anke barrani li ilu  jgħix Malta għal xi snin - li ma jafx sew din l-għanja tal-Milied li minn hawn u ftit jiem oħra tibda tidwi madwarna u ġo moħħna kważi bla waqfien. Kantajnieha elf darba bħala tfal, għallimnieha lil uliedna u, naħseb, b’ċertu sens ta’ kburija – għall-inqas dawk li fostna li ma barrewx għal kollox il-karattru Malti tal-festi tal-Milied – nqisuha bħala għanja ‘tagħna’,  li twieldet  minn fostna u twassal ħsus Maltin imnebbħa mill-iktar avveniment straordinarju fl-istorja tal-bniedem.

Fil-fatt il-kliem tal-għanja – li, għalkemm nafuha bħala Ninni La Tibkix iżjed  sewwasew jisimha Il-Benniena ta’ Ġesù Bambin – tassew ħarġu minn pinna Maltija. Kien raħeb Ġiżwita, Patri Indrì Schembri minn Ħal-Luqa li kitibhom, għall-ħabta ta’ nofs is-seklu dsatax. Schembri kien kitibha biex titkanta mill-Maltin ta’ Tuneż, li dak iż-żmien kienet miżgħuda emigranti minn pajjiżna.

U l-mużika? Milli jidher, għal ħafna snin ma konniex ċerti minn fejn tnisslet il-melodija. Schembri kien jagħmel parti minn komunità tal-Ġiżwiti fl-Afrika ta’ Fuq li fost il-membri tagħha kienet tgħodd diversi rħieb u studenti minn pajjiżi tal-Ewropa tal-Lvant. Kien hemm min kien jgħid li Schembri kien “issellef” il-melodija mingħand xi ħadd minnhom, jiġifieri semgħu ikantaha, għoġbitu u ispiratu li jikteb għanja tal-Milied għall-Maltin ta’ Tuneż. Imma ħadd ma kien jaf eżatt – jew għallinqas hekk nafha jien l-istorja.

Imma, b’kumbinazzjoni kbira, madwar 20 sena ilu jew aktar intefa’ dawl fuq il-misteru b’mod li tassew ma tistennihx.

Irrid nippreċiża li dan li se nikteb ibbażat fuq artiklu bil-Malti li kont qrajt fuq ġurnal lokali. Ma nistax niftakar la min kitbu u lanqas biss liema ġurnal kien – għalkemm għandi l-impressjoni  li kien il-Ġens (nittama li mhux qed inħawwad dan il-ġurnal mal-predeċessur tiegħu il-Ħajja).

L-awtur kiteb li ftit taż-żmien qabel kien qed jara t-televiżjoni Taljana u inzerta program li fih ħadet sehem l-attriċi tal-porno Cicciolina.  Le, ma kienx xi film jew spettaklu professjonali minn tagħha, imma sempliċiment programm innokwu li fih kienet waħda mill-mistednin. F’dan il-programm talbuha tkanta għanja tradizzjonali ta’ pajjiżha  u s-Sinjura Ilona Staller – dak hu isem Cicciolina – bdiet tkanta bl-Ungeriż. B’għaġeb kbir tal-awtur ta’ dan l-artiklu, il-melodija kienet l-istess waħda tan-Ninni La Tibkix Iżjed.

Trid tkun Malti biex tapprezza l-ironija li toħroġ mill-inkongruwenza tat-tifsira u l-konnotati tal-għanja għall-Maltin u  l-arti tas-sinjura Staller magħrufa aħjar bħala Cicciolina. Ikolli nistqarr li minn mindu qrajt dan l-artiklu, din l-għanja m’għadhiex tnebbaħ fija l-ispirtu ta’ devozzjoni bħal qabel…

Jisgħobbija qatigħ li dak l-artiklu ma kontx żammejtu, imma dak iż-żmien ma kontx interessat fil-Malti u dak kollu konness miegħu daqs kemm jien illum.  Jekk xi ħadd għandu iktar informazzjoni fuq in-nisel ta’ din l-għanja u jogħġbu jaqsamha mal-qarrejja ta' dan il-blogg, nibqa’ nafhulu.

11 ta' Diċembru 2011: Mill-bieraħ 'l hawn waslitli informazzjoni importanti. 99% mhux artiklu fil-Ġens li kont qrajt, imma ittra fis-Sunday Times miktuba fl-24 ta' Lulju 1988 minn dak li llum huwa l-Professur Manwel Mifsud, l-ikbar espert tal-Malti ta' żmienna.  L-ittra turi li Patri Indrì Schembri kien fil-fatt ippubblika l-kliem fl-1864 (sitt snin qabel ma miet), ma' għadd ieħor ta' innjiet u poeżiji reliġjużi, f'Ġemgħa ta'  Kliem Imqaddes li Jingħad mill-Maltin tal-Alġier.

Il-programm li fuqu Cicciolina - dak iż-żmien Membru Parlamentari Radikali - kienet kantat l-għanja tradizzjonali Ungeriża kien Il Testimone ta' Giuliano Ferrara, li kien jixxandar fuq Rai Due. Ma kienx il-Professur Mifsud stess li semagħha, imma koppja ħbieb tiegħu, li wara qalulu bil-biċċa. Kienu baqgħu imbellhin bix-xebh bejn dak li kienet qed tkanta Cicciolina u l-melodija ta' Ninni, La Tibkix Iżjed.

When Amy Keeps Saying No, No, No

A few days ago the Coroner’s verdict on Amy Winehouse’s death was issued: as many of us had suspected, it was the legal drug alcohol, rather than illicit substances, which cut short the life of this talented singer blessed with that rich, mellifluous voice and uniquely soulful singing style.

No less than 416mgs of alcohol per decilitre of blood had been found in her system. That’s five times the level permissible for driving purposes in Malta and the UK, and eight times that allowed in most other European countries.

Amy Winehouse’s problems with substances (and apparently eating disorders and some form of affective condition) were well-publicised. She had reportedly tried residential treatment on more than one occasion; but these appear to have been short-lived, half-hearted attempts, which, unsurprisingly, failed to bring about any lasting change.

Her doctor has gone on record as saying that Winehouse was against psychological therapy and wanted to battle her demons on her own. Three years ago, she kicked an illicit-drug habit, but found alcohol a much harder nut to crack. She persisted with the drinking with a pattern of stop and start: stopping drinking unaided (except for tranquillisers) for a short time, only to succumb to temptation within weeks.

Understandably alarmed for her safety, some members of her entourage and her father tried hard to persuade her to undergo proper treatment, but her response is now immortalised in the lyrics of one of her best-known hits “Rehab”: “They tried to make me go to rehab, I said, ‘No, no, no’.” Her remains lie cold in her grave.

There were reports that her father tried to get her “sectioned”, that is to say, compulsorily admitted to hospital, but apparently did not succeed. It is not known exactly on what grounds he tried to have Amy treated in hospital against her will. What is known is that, in the UK, it is impossible to have anyone undergo compulsory treatment purely because of addiction alone. In 1983, the (then) new Mental Health Act specifically forbade the enforced admission to hospital for reasons of substance addiction “on its own”. The 2007 amendments did not alter the situation.

This was in contrast to the provisions of the previous Mental Health Act enacted in 1958, of which the current Maltese Mental Health Act (1976) is practically a carbon copy. Compulsory admission of alcoholics and drug addicts in Malta is still legally possible, but is no longer as commonly resorted to.

Over the years, doubtlessly because of the influence of changing values and attitudes, addiction – at least in the context of enforced treatment – is being viewed less in terms of an illness, and increasingly as a “lifestyle choice’’. How anyone can ‘choose’ to become an addict, i.e. enslaved to a substance which conditions the way one lives, and often defeats genuine and painful  attempts to eradicate from one’s existence, is of course not very easy to explain for those who espouse this view.

We live in a rights-driven world. The emphasis on the right to self-determination has perhaps at times reached such Alice-in-Wonderland levels of absurdity that we are losing sight of situations where one is objectively not in a state to decide what is best for one. Addiction to alcohol or drugs – a state where one is compelled to ingest a substance to function - is by definition a condition which affects volition. How can one make choices if the capacity to evaluate options is impaired? How can one speak of freedom when the perception of reality essential to the process of actually deciding on one course of action rather than another is substantially distorted?

Shall we allow those suffering from anorexia nervosa to starve to death because they are not psychotic, and therefore “in touch with reality” and capable of taking “rational” decisions? Can ever the decision to destroy oneself – especially, though not only, when alternatives clearly may exist, although the sufferer cannot perceive them - be considered rational and worthy of over-riding all other considerations?

Many would answer these questions with a resounding "no". Yet, when faced with the prospect of translating that “no” into concrete action – such as campaigning for legislation which re-allows compulsory treatment, or even applying that legislation when (as currently is the case in Malta) laws are in place, they balk. The prevailing climate of “live and let live” (die, actually, in this case) and “let everybody choose what’s best for them” casts its insidious shadow on many well-meaning people’s choices – and they, almost unwittingly, choose to root for death rather than for giving sufferers a fighting chance for life.

The culture of death has many faces. One of them is a mask called unlimited freedom.

Gambling on Society’s Future?

When, in 2009, Government decided to close down the gambling parlours which had proliferated all over the island – in Hamrun alone there were at least seven such outlets, six of them within the space of 1 kilometre – Sedqa heaved a sigh of relief. Referrals for help had increased quite dramatically over the previous 2 or 3 years, as several patrons of these parlours had become hooked and entered that cycle of financial and psycho-social problems which wrecks a number of families, and puts others under more than considerable stress.

Not surprisingly, within a relatively short time, the number of gamblers and family members seeking help began to fall, as people who had not yet developed compulsive gambling behaviour no longer had easy access to these machines and doubtlessly found other, probably less noxious, activities to divert their attention. Once the pool of players diminishes, the stream of newly-addicted individuals abates. Of course those who had already become severely hooked began to frequent casinos, or the parlours which still provided a gambling service under the guise of amusement machines, and could continue to indulge their addiction until circumstances forced them to seek help. However, during the past 2 years there were probably fewer new compulsive gamblers.

There was another class of gambler we were concerned about: those who had sought help and were desperately trying to kick the habit and turn their lives around. We had listened to too many heart-breaking stories of individuals in this situation for whom even such an apparently-innocuous activity, as walking to the nearest newsagents was fraught with temptation precisely due to the sinister omnipresence of these gambling dens. Their lure would very often be very difficult to resist, as the sight of the gambling-parlour would be enough for the machines to whirr and clink their siren-song not so much in the hapless gamblers’ ears as in their tortured minds.

And, no, it’s not the same situation with alcoholics who walk past drinking establishments which could also be sources of temptation. Those of us who work with both gamblers and drinkers have the very distinct impression that for the gambler, the ability to resist the attraction of the machines is more difficult than it is for a dry or sober alcoholic to refrain from making a bee-line for the nearest bar. Once the gambling outlets were closed, the struggle not to gamble became easier.

All this is set to change. Within a few months the country will once again be replete with gambling-machine outlets.

A few months ago the Minister of Finance published the regulatory framework within which the gambling parlours will operate. The regulations ostensibly include considerable restrictions compared to the situation obtaining before the closure of the parlours in August 2009. In fact, in our opinion, despite the inclusion of a couple of regulations which will have an impact on the amount of gambling taking place in these places, the overall impact on the negative social effects of these gambling outlets will be minimal. The reason is simple: the root cause of the malaise as a social phenomenon will not be tackled.

First the good bits: round the clock gambling will no longer be possible as was the case under the old regime (if one can speak of regime in the context of what used to take place before, that is; an unfettered lawlessness more like it). The regulations will not permit any such establishment to operate between 11.00 p.m. and 11.00 a.m.

Secondly, the regulation allowing self-barring, which is so far applicable only to casinos will be extended to the gambling-machine parlours too. If one requests self-barring from one outlet, the ban will be valid for all licensed outlets. Self-barring has proved helpful in the cases of addicted casino patrons; there is no reason why it should not be just as beneficial in this context too, provided that the authorities successfully clamp down on illegal gambling-dens, which gambling addicts in the throes of craving are quite likely to turn to.

There are other rules which are in themselves laudable – a register of gamblers is to be kept, persons under the influence of substances will not be allowed in the gambling outlets to name two – but, in Sedqa’s opinion, it is quite unlikely that these regulations will have any effect on the rate of newly-addicted gamblers, once the gambling-parlours start to operate once more. Practitioners and researchers in the field know that there is strong connection between the availability of the opportunities to gamble and the incidence of problem gambling. In the context of the gambling parlours this would mean the bigger the number of outlets, the higher the numbers of gamblers who will develop a dependency – with all the deleterious effects on the gamblers, his or her spouse and children, and social relations in general.

Possibly the Ministry may have been forecasting a drop in the number of gambling outlets because it is now imposing fees on the licensing of the establishment and on each machine, when previously none were levied. However, these tariffs will almost certainly fail to deter interest in operating gambling parlours, at least, not to the extent that those concerned about the outlets’ effects on society would like them to. There are strong economic forces at play.

Only direct political action can hope to limit the damage these outlets will inflict on the more vulnerable members of society. Are the powers that be willing to grasp the nettle and find a way of imposing a maximum number -say, five - of outlets which can be opened on the Maltese islands and let the operators compete for the licenses?

It is no use for any of us to hide behind the handy veil of ‘’education”. Problem drinking and many other facets of undesirable human behaviour have shown us that, on the population level, only strong political direction can hope to effectively bring about authentic, substantial change.